Chapter 13: How Weak IP Rights Shield Incumbents and Impede Entry (Understanding 'The Big Steal')

Understanding 'The Big Steal' is a chapter-by-chapter exploration of the book The Big Steal: Ideology, Interest, and the Undoing of Intellectual Property by Jonathan M. Barnett (Oxford Academic, 2024).

This summary series is authored by Patrick Cuka, Economic Consultant at 4iP Council, and aims to unpack the key arguments, insights, and implications of Barnett’s work for IP policy and innovation in the digital age.

Below is the summary of the Thirteenth​​​​​​Chapter: How Weak IP Rights Shield Incumbents and Impede Entry.

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Abstract:

This chapter examines how weak intellectual property (IP) rights favor established firms while impeding market entry for smaller, innovative companies. Weak IP protections create entry barriers by allowing large firms to appropriate innovations disclosed during partnerships or licensing negotiations. Strong IP rights, in contrast, lower these barriers by enabling smaller firms to commercialize innovations through licensing agreements. The chapter explores this dynamic using four case studies (Sonos v. Google, Netflix v. YouTube, Microsoft v. Apple, Dolby Sound). These cases highlight how weak IP regimes protect incumbents and reduce innovation incentives for smaller players. Additionally, the notion that weaker IP protections always foster competition is being challenged. Instead, it is shown that they can lead to market concentration. In contrast, strong IP rights, when properly enforced, can encourage competition, protect innovation, and sustain dynamic market conditions. The chapter concludes that IP policies should balance innovation incentives with competitive market access.

Chapters in the Book:

  • Part 4- The Hidden Costs of Free Stuff
    • Chapter 13- How Weak IP Rights Shield Incumbents and Impede Entry (p.279-293)

Summary

13. How Weak IP Rights Shield Incumbents and Impede Entry

Weakening IP rights distorts innovation markets by favouring firms with integrated structures while disadvantaging specialized R&D firms that rely on partnerships for commercialization.[1] Typically, these weak IP rights act as an entry barrier and protect incumbents against competition from smaller, more innovative firms. In the following, it will be shown that strong IP rights reduce entry barriers and enhance competition by enabling smaller firms to license technology and enter the market.

Specifically, this chapter explores these dynamics through four technology market examples. The first two examples (under 13.1 and 13.2) show how weak IP rights protect incumbents while discouraging innovation among smaller firms, resulting in a “lose-lose” outcome. The last two cases (under 13.3. and 13.4) demonstrate that strong IP rights can promote innovation and lower entry barriers, creating a “win-win” scenario. In summary, contrary to popular beliefs, weak IP rights can reduce both innovation and competition, while strong IP rights can foster both.

13.1.               Illustration 1: Sonos v. Google

It has regularly been argued that IP rights and patents can sometimes be used by dominant firms to suppress competition. While this may be true in specific cases, it is often overlooked that they can also facilitate market entry for smaller innovators. When this is the case, patents support small firms with strong innovation capacities, but limited commercialization resources. This theoretical intuition is consistent with multiple surveys. Research shows that larger firms can often succeed without patents because they have established distribution and financing infrastructures that smaller firms lack. Additionally, small firms, especially in IT hardware or biopharmaceuticals, tend to place a higher value on patents compared to larger firms. This may be because large firms can benefit from unprotected innovations due to the integration of complementary assets or the employment of giveaway strategies. In such cases, patents help level the playing field, by allowing smaller innovators to protect their technology from imitation by larger firms. This case is vividly illustrated by a sequence of infringement litigations involving Google and Sonos.

In 2020, Sonos, a pioneer in the home audio systems market, filed a suit at the U.S. International Trade Commission (ITC) against Alphabet (Google’s parent). It claimed that Google imitated Sonos’ technology and incorporated it into, amongst others, Google’s home speaker product. According to Sonos, Google was able to do this, because it obtained information during the course of negotiating a potential licensing deal with Sonos. In the end, the U.S. ITC ruled that certain Google smart speakers infringed Sonos’ patents.

What made this case important, was the fact that it was precisely the type of information exchange that exposed an innovator to expropriation by a larger counterparty. Oftentimes, innovation-focused firms rely on partnerships with holders of complementary assets when it comes to distribution and production. Instead, Sonos employs a hybrid commercialization strategy, both producing hardware and forming partnerships. This case showed that entering negotiations with well-resourced firms is risky, as they may use disclosed information to imitate the innovator’s technology. The only way innovators can protect themselves is by limiting disclosure or by maintaining a strong patent portfolio. In other words, without strong patents, Sonos risked a free-rider scenario where intermediaries like Google captured most of the innovation’s value. Going one step further, Google could have even undercut Sonos’ prices by cross subsidizing its smart speakers with its core search business. This would have put Sonos’ business at risk, because it had high R&D costs and no alternative revenue stream. Two years later, Sonos won an exclusion order against Google for infringing five of its home speaker patents. In 2022, U.S. Customs found Google violated the order by importing infringing products, while Google’s counterclaim was rejected by the ITC in 2023. However, in a concurrent infringement litigation, a federal court ruled some Sonos’ patents as invalid and overturned a $32.5 million jury award.

In general, the Sonos case reflects a broader trend of small tech firms accusing large firms of copying innovations disclosed in business pitches or partnerships. For example, Apple has faced recent infringement claims from Masimo over medical monitoring technologies. In 2023, the ITC issued an exclusion order against Apple. Yet, Apple also countersued Masimo, seeking to block the release of Masimo’s “Freedom” smartwatch featuring patented blood-oxygen technology. Looking at the judicial landscape, one can see that small firms typically struggle to win infringement cases. Usually, large firms claim independent development, file counterclaims, or argue their product is an improvement. This plays into the hands of large firms, which can leverage lengthy litigation processes to pressure settlements. In this scenario, the absence of secure patent protection enables large incumbents to appropriate value from specialized innovators who lack commercialization resources.

13.2.               Illustration 2: Netflix v. YouTube

Weak-IP regimes favour firms with complementary non-IP assets, making it harder for specialized innovators without such assets to commercialize their innovations. Ultimately, this raises the barriers to entry of smaller innovators. In turn, this dynamic can reduce market competition compared to a strong IP regime, where firms could enter markets using IP-protected knowledge assets and licensing. The result will be distorted innovation by incentivizing projects that generate value without legal exclusivity, limiting the range of feasible innovation projects.

Such a dynamic can be spotted in video content markets: weak-IP environments (e.g., YouTube) versus strong-IP environments (e.g., Netflix). In the video-sharing market, YouTube users can access abundant content of variable quality in exchange for zero fees. By contrast, paid streaming services like Netflix and Amazon Video operate with secure copyright, funding high-budget and consistent-quality content through subscriptions. The crucial difference is that YouTube users get content for free but inconsistent quality, whereas Netflix subscribers pay for high-quality, ad-free content. The latter invests billions in content creation, a cost structure supported by their strong IP protection models.

Some argue that free content platforms prove copyright is unnecessary, but this assumption ignores the role of paid streaming services in funding high-cost content. Firstly, high-production-value content on YouTube only exists mainly because companies can recoup investments through licensed services like Netflix. In 2022, YouTube had over 2.5 billion users, far exceeding paid streaming services, which rely on a smaller base of subscribers to fund content creation. Consequently, if legal exclusivity weakens, fewer users may pay for subscriptions and, in turn, the production of new high-value content may decline. Additionally, ad-based content markets tend to be more concentrated[2] than subscription-based markets, leading to lower competition in free video-sharing platforms.  In practice, YouTube had little competition until TikTok emerged, while paid services like Netflix, Amazon, and Disney+ have faced stronger competition for several years. In other words, weak IP protections lead to competition based on aggregation rather than content production, because all platforms offer the same content. These markets then tend to result in winner-takes-most outcomes (when a few large platforms dominate the market), because users prefer platforms with the largest content variety and quality.

This exercise in the relationship between IP rights and market structure supports a broader point. Weak IP protection forces firms to adopt alternative monetization strategies, which may lead to inefficiencies. From an economic perspective, firms that succeed in weak-IP environments are not necessarily operating at maximum efficiency. Since video content that is uploaded by users to online platforms has limited protection, competition is shifted toward aggregation rather than content creation. In turn, this may increase market concentration and favour incumbents that optimize user choice. Any savings in litigation costs must therefore be weighed against the increased social costs.

Interestingly, YouTube has faced increased competition itself from TikTok and Instagram. This has led to the emergence of synthetic IP rights on its platform. Put differently, to protect its market share, YouTube has begun paying creators for content that is exclusive. In a nutshell, this mimics the competitive benefits of formal IP rights.

13.3.               Illustration 3: Microsoft v. Apple

Conventional wisdom holds that weakening IP protections necessarily expands access, lowers entry barriers, and, as a result, enhances competitive conditions. Yet, this is not always the case. Strengthening IP rights can sometimes expand user access and market size by enabling broader licensing strategies. An example is Apple, which followed a closed monetization model. It integrated its proprietary operating system into Apple hardware and developed peripheral hardware devices and software applications internally. Microsoft, on the other hand, adopted an open monetization model, licensing its operating system and supporting third-party development of software.  This open approach facilitated competition among hardware producers which resulted in a large software ecosystem that increased the appeal of Windows-compatible PCs. Microsoft’s reliance on IP rights allowed it to expose its assets to third parties, encouraging complementary innovations that strengthened its market position.

In other words, by licensing Windows third parties, Microsoft’s monetization strategy relied on IP rights but remained more open than Apple’s. Consequently, Microsoft was able to strengthen its market position due to the wide licensing of Windows. Furthermore, Microsoft reduced entry barriers for original equipment manufacturers, resulting in reduced retail prices and increased competition. This case shows that stronger IP rights foster innovation, reduce entry costs in the computer hardware and software markets, and benefit consumers through lower prices. Contrary to conventional wisdom, IP protection did not restrict access or inflate prices but facilitated the separation of hardware and software markets.

13.4.               The Dolby Sound Story

Sometimes, academic discussions even view IP licensing as a “tax” that restricts access and benefits IP owners at the expense of end-users. However, this view overlooks the need for sustainable funding models to support innovation and commercialization activities. Without IP licensing, firms can only rely on vertically integrated ecosystems for innovation to be profitable. This again raises market entry costs and market concentration. Secure IP rights allow firms to collaborate with specialized partners without fear of knowledge expropriation. Here, patent-mediated transactions lower information exchange costs and enable efficient labour division across the supply chain.

An example of this is Dolby, which monetized its noise-reduction and digital audio innovations through a licensing model rather than vertical integration. Dolby’s licensing approach allowed widespread adoption of its technology across consumer electronics and entertainment industries. The licensing revenues from this business model enabled further innovating and help the company maintain its industry leadership. This strategy was so successful, because royalty rates were set low, to encourage widespread adoption and maximize its long-term revenue base. Therefore, Dolby could focus on technology development in the meantime while manufacturers handled production, distribution, and marketing.

Such behaviour is typical for firms in repeat-play markets. Here, companies usually prioritize reasonable licensing terms to maintain goodwill and encourage future adoption of their innovations. However, courts and regulators have historically intervened in licensing transactions to prevent this perceived monopolistic pricing, often based on flawed assumptions.

What is hard to understand is that real-world licensing markets are dynamic, with firms facing competition or planning for long-term revenue across multiple technology generations. In these scenarios, licensing provides a structured mechanism for enforcing IP rights and it generates sufficient revenue for further R&D. This goes to show that broad access to licensed technology can lower entry barriers, enhance competition, and benefit end-users. Weakening IP enforcement could seriously undermine these positive effects and reduce incentives for innovation.

13.5.               Closing Thoughts

Innovation policy often relies on exclusivity to ensure profits that incentivize innovation despite potential imitators. Competition policy, however, seeks to maximize access to technology and creative assets. Therefore, competition and innovation do not always stand in contrast to each other. A transactional approach to IP rights helps overcome transaction-cost obstacles in information exchanges. Furthermore, strong IP enforcement and licensing can support both innovation and competition. By implication, policy changes that impede IP enforcement may force firms to limit knowledge circulation, raising entry barriers and protecting incumbents.


[1] Chapter 12 highlights how weak IP protections limit diverse monetization strategies, pushing innovators toward integration or indirect models. This disadvantages smaller R&D-focused firms lacking complementary assets for commercialization.

[2] Market concentration arises as weak IP protections favor large platforms that monetize user data and ads, creating barriers for smaller, subscription-based competitors.

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